The Liberator, 1862-12-26, vol. 32 iss. 52 no. 1664
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T H E L I B E R A T O R IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, AT 221 WASHINGTON" STREET, ROOM No. 6. ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT. Jggp TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, in advance. fy* Five copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOLLARS, if payment is niado in advance. 5j5f All remittances aro to be made, and all letters relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be directed (TOST PAID) to the General Agent. [gF* Advertisements inserted at the rate of fivo cents per line. Igp Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are authorised to receive subscriptions for THE LIBERATOR. jj2P" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial Committee, hut are not responsible for any debts of the j .japer, viz : — WENDELL PHILLIPS, EDMUND QUINCY, ED-MUND JACKSON, and WILLIAM L. GARRISON, JR. "Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants thereof;" " Hay this down as the law of nations. I say that military authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST ; and that, under that state of things, so far from its being true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive management of tho subject, not only the PRESIDENT OP THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OP THE ARMY, HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVES. . . From the instant that tho slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED WITH, from a claim of indemnity for s.lavcs taken or destroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to a foreign power. . . . It is a war power. I say it is a war power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING TO" THE LAWS OP WAR ; and by the laws of war, an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES TUB PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."~J. Q. ADAJTB. WM. LLOYD GABEISOlf, Editor. » u r <fountrii is tbr WatlA, mt* «5ouutrjtram me nil INaofeitnl. - J. B. YEEEISTOH & SON, Printers. V O L . X X X I I . N O . 5 2 . B O S T O N , F R I D A Y , D E C E M B E R 2 6 , 1 8 6 2 . W H O L E N O . 1 6 6 4 . WAE AND "EEFOEMS." Those people who advocate what they call new ideas in human progress, (as if most of them had not been repeatedly tried and rejected in the history of the race,) seem to have received a quietus from this stunning, practical, fact of war. It has always been recorded as an incidental benefit of this scourge of mankind, that it puts an end to the whole brood of absurd fantasies which are hatched out by the very prosperity of nations in time of peace. People must think:, and when they have no war on hand, to task their thinking powers to the utmost, they cast about for the first subject that is new, (or appears so to limited readers of history,) and set to thinking about that. In this country, the number of these uneasy thinkers, both men and women, always on the lookout for intellectual problems, is large. They take a pride in encouraging so-called new ideas. They subscribe to newspapers which are addicted to the support of all notions claiming to be reforms, no matter how chimerical and absurd. They also furnish audiences for strolling lecturers who profess to own patent plans for the regeneration of the human family. They do not —at least all of them do not—fully believe in every preposterous antiquity, revamped and labeled " novelty," which is brought upon them ; but they give it » hearing, or an examination, (always paying for it n some shape,) which is all that the professors of the old-fashioned reforms desire. This generous patronage, which our people—more than any other in the world—give to all ideas which are set up as new, seems to have been almost entirely cut off by the war. We have no means of judging of the pecuniary receipts of reform organs or reform pro-lessors; but we observe that none of them are making any stir in the community, and it is a well-known fact that when reform ceases to make a stir, it is dying. Agitation, discussion and continual fuss are the very conditions of its existence. When the air no longer reverberates with the fierce declamations of its advocates, reform may be safely regarded as in a moribund stat*. Judged by this law of experience, Woman's Rights, as theyr used to be expounded in the New York conventions, must be pretty nigh extinct. Tiie public have not heard " Woman's Rights" mentioned for over a year. Spiritualism ha'? been dropped out of the public mind for at lewt^tfre same period. The spasmodic attempt recently made to lift it into notice in connection with " spiritual photographs," proved a total failure. People no longer feel any interest in its pretensions. They have quite forgotten (so rapid is the American mind in its reception and rejection of professedly new ideas) that ther^ever was such a thing. After this form of spiritualism has been dead four or five years, it can be brought out under a new name as a bran new philosophy, and, if the country is at peace, will have another good run. Let the professors, now bereft of their subsistence, wait till then ! Other reforms might be enumerated which have been hastily tossed overboard by the public in the tempest of this war; but the notorious fate of the two above mentioned, illustrates the law which applies to the whole of them.—New York Journal of Commerce. and anti-slavery agitators to see to it, that they carry their favorite topics not much further in their chosen direction, lest its opposite movement land them, with all their pet schemes, in a fathomless abyss. Pray, gentlemen, keep this ball in motion, and oblige not your subscriber and friends only, but benefit mankind. T. —N. Y. Journal of Commerce. POLITICAL CLERGY, &c. HARTFORD, (Conn.,) Dec. 11, 1862. GENTLEMEN,—I have just read your article on the late political movement of our clergy at the Cooper Institute, and regard it as eminently appropriate and timely. Just so certain as they attempt in an organized capacity to influence political legislation, so certain, and to a like degree, will they damage the cause of their professed Master, and bring both themselves and the religion which He came to establish on earth into contempt. This radical error of the clergy, however, is attributed not solely to their own disposition to " mix in," pugnacious as too many of them arc, with the prevailing political agitation, but in a measure to the stimulus and encouragement which they unfortunately receive at the hands of numbers of their adherents and supporters, who believe that both the Gospel and tbe party-are to be best sustained by setting and keeping the people " by the ears." As illustrative of this, we witness, in this goodly city of ours, the disgraceful spectacle of certain leading men, in one of our heretofore most prosperous churches, systematically and very actively operating to drive their minister—a man whose excellences and good works are known ancl cheerfully acknowledged throughout our entire community— out of his pulpit, which he has occupied for the last ten or twelve years, because, forsooth, they cannot compel him to preach the Gospel according to Abolitionism on Sunday. He prays for his and our enemies, and that peace may again return in God's good time to a distracted country', and hence is a traitor ancl secessionist, and must be driven forth from tbe flock which he has so long watched over and led in the paths of peace ancl righteousness. It has been the unhallowed ambition of men of this stamp among us, to bring not the pulpit only, . but, so far as possible, their secular and religious press, our schools and library societies, under their control, that thev may make them fountains for the dissemination of the pestilent doctrines of abolitionism. They are incessantly at work in their mischievous vocation; bold and outspoken, when this course promises success, but still and wily as serpents whenever this kind of strategy promises the best results. Into our Young Men's Institute, a literary society, bave tbey presumed to set their cloven foot, to the discrcdit of our city and the serious impairment of its ii/. m'er happy influence. We ave to be treated, the coining winter, to a course of lectures before this society, supported though it is by all classes of our citizens, in which Mr. ^Horace Greeley figures in the programme, and others of the same stripe, though beyond a doubt the enemies of its direction. Further, while newspapers constitute a feature of the reading matter to be found on its tables, not a single Democratic paper, outside of our city press, appears tlsNywfititipshencnenoeotiecgaehir eldrwTul larro bocleednenhn e Douibcoe,gd,s,clr t Ywe , uie eaonem ssmedaorf xcifo ntoena,lehrh tcodr kgn g oe"e csgstoi osro mpropeiwo; aplfrot—s daftheitpaoanin o racr ptunaeatogod afi nerdlozpsvn d rl tpa oersod oh atetimnlur niuehb tinn att ln liogiedy nssabpcsenleit td esioonitetwaht itl crfu oiiio eonoitio lnstilnoeagifcilrgtir vovto hn sy o ftei beweng hsr;nustvenrhiosl ehros eew e iof ntn pactvohphhowyuhdire rinueiofor nrs legl ee fu .tpgweuhpts v onihxk aste oebougTseatil rlo—u gy,ltl iemhu sn t thi,Rmtieht thtchw odai a e baoeernetwlphaoleslmnc el eiuiflol fc;l eponf nolba ihatrdrncohnlheodr nbiucrtseciGo adiedl losnaautc mbo, hin urngym ndaeiesItfs. CLERGYMEN AS CLERGYMEN, IN THE POLITICAL ARENA. MESSRS. EDITORS,—I send you an extract from a letter from one of the most intelligent Christian ladies in a neighboring State, noted wherever she is known for her faith and charity, and the fruits of her Christian faith. Similar proofs might be indefinitely multiplied of the deep grief of Christians at the degrading spectacle of distinguished men, whom the Church and the community generally have held in respect, so long as they kept within the legitimate bounds of their high duties, stepping down from their elevated position to play the partizan in the political strife of the day. She says:— « Mr. has just called my attention to an article in the Journal of Commerce which has made him quite indignant. It is a meeting of clergymen of the different denominations at the Cooper Institute to propose an address to President Lincoln, expressive of their approval of his Emancipation Proclamation, mentioning the venerable Drs. Spring, Ferris, Tyng, &c. It is to be regretted that men who have attained such eminence as divines should stoop so low as to sully their clerical fame by advocating Mr. Lincoln's wild projects, whiih are only adding fuel to the flame and sharpening tiie sword of vengeance. Would it not be advisable for each church pertaining to these pastors to call a meeting for special prayer, that the spirit may be poured out, and these deluded men receive a fresh baptism, a reconversion,—that their attention may be turned from political strife to preaching the gospel and laboring for precious souls ? Surely God's people should sigh for the abominations that are rife in our land, especially for our ministers, who, instead of wielding the sword of the spirit, and fighting the fight of faith, are brandishing the sword of contention, ancl advocatiug the cause of abolition heresy which is to flood our country with beggary and crime. It seems as if they were given over to strong delusion to believe a lie. Oh that God would arise, and have mercy on our Zion, and bring our ministers into the dust, and keep them there till'they disrobe themselves of their defiled garments, and come forth clothed in humility," &c. These are the sentiments of a devout and pious mind, with which thousands in the Church most cordially sympathize. No move could be more inopportune than these clergymen have proposed, none more calculated to bring religion, as represented in these persons, into disrepute. I must suppose them men of common sense, and then let me ask them in what capacity do they address the President of the United States, in behalf of a political measure ? Will it be said that we are citizens, and have our rights as citizens, and therefore we may give our opinions on any political measure ? Granted : no one will dispute that position so long as you give it as citizens; but when you leave that position and make use of your position as clergymen, intending, as you must intend, that the influence of your ecclesiastical position shall be brought to bear in the support of a political measure, then I think I am safe in saying you have exceeded your rights. I will not insult your understandings, by supposing you do not comprehend the difference between your official and individual position. Mr. Spring, Mr. Ferris, Mr. Tyng, may undoubtedly support any political measure they please, ancl their opinions will go for what they are worth, more or less valuable than Mr. Jones, the barber, Mr. Smith, the carman, or Mr. Brown, the tailor; but the Rev. Dr. Spring, the Rev. Chancellor Ferris, and the Rev. Dr. Tyng, have no right to give a factitious importance to their address, as citizens, by clothing themselves in a garb unacknowledged in tbe legitimate political costume of the country. MILTON. —Journal of Commerce. clergymen ; that the minutes about being read were,. a private affair; they contained that which belonged exclusively to the clergymen who were present at the other meeting ; it never was intended to be a public affair; it was in no sense a public matter; that paper gave information which belonged entirely to the gentlemen who had met previously; he would submit the question to the chair. Rev. Dr. Ferris stated that such publicity as had been given to their proceedings at the other meeting was entirely unauthorized, and the brethren at that time present were not in any sense responsible for the notice given of the present meeting; who were the parties giving the notice, he knew not. Rev. Dr. Hitchcock.—The Committee caused no advertisement to be made, and the many representations made in the public prints were entirely inconsistent with the spirit and aims of the gentlemen who met the other evening. Rev. Dr. Spear referred to the gross misrepresentations of the press, and he regarded it as grossly indelicate that the reporters should remain after what he had said—-he was amazed that no hint was taken. He then moved that the reporters be requested to leave the room. The chair, instead of putting the motion, referred to the large number of persons present other than the clergymen at the other meeting, and stated that, if it was thought proper that they should remain, he must vacate the chair, and decline to participate in the proceedings. Rev. Drs. Canfield, Smith, and others, spoke to the same effect. Rev. Dr. Vermilye.—As chairman of the committee appointed to present a report to this meeting, I would say that we have no report this evening to make. On the contrary, advices from Washington, just received, intimate distinctly that there will be no necessity, ancl in fact no propriety whatever in our taking action in this matter. I therefore move that the meeting adjourn. The motion was carried, only the fifty or so clergymen present at the other meeting being requested to vote. As these were leaving the room, a clergyman not of this number requested that those not at the other meeting remain, and organize for the consideration of their duty in the present crisis of the courtry. After some consultation, another clergyman announced that as they had made no arrangement for tlie use of the room, and therefore could not properly hold a meeting there, he thought they had better adjourn with the rest. (Laughter.) The remaining clergymen then dispersed.—New York World. THE CLERGY AND THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. Some two or three hundred of the clergy of New York and the adjacent cities assembled last evening, at the Cooper Institute, for the purpose of considering the duty of the Church and ministry, in the present state of the country, in reference to the proclamation of emancipation. Among those present were Chancellor Ferris, Rev. Drs. Vermilye, Tyng, Hodge, Burchard, Cheever, Spear, ancl Hitchcock, and Rev. Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Cuyler, Dunbar, Canfield, Matteson, and Rev. Mr. Conway, chaplain of the Ninth New York Regiment. At the commencement of the meeting, there were several ladies and laymen also present. The majority of the clergy seemed to be of the exaggerated radical class. Rev. Dr. Tyng called the meeting to order, and nominated Rev. Dr. Burchard for chairman, Rev. Dr. Ferris, the chairman of the previous meeting, not being then present. Rev. Dr. Burchard, on taking the chair, said their object in coming together had been very clearly stated at the last meeting; it was to take into consideration what is the duty on the part of the clergy of this city and the neighboring cities. Rev. Dr. Tyng here raised the point that there were many lay and many female friends present, whose society would be agreeable for him when the occasion was suitable. This was a meeting exclusively for clergymen, and the report to be presented to them was of a nature so delicate and important, that it could not properly be presented to any other than an adjourned meeting of the clergymen present, when the committee who were to present the report were appointed. The ladies ancl several gentlemen now left the room, ancl at the same time the clergymen who called the first meeting were requested to step out of the room for conference. These gentlemen having re-entered, Rev. Dr. Ferris, who had now arrived, assumed the chair, and Rev. Dr. Burchard offered prayer. A clergyman wanted to know if the meeting was meant for the Protestant clergy, or were Roman Catholics included ? tdbtfteheheuwreaRmT RCtsy theeemll vieevpnoit. rs.hia fge n er DsyuSgtaD ,hmte mrteee.wncr sa e .r,eVihnc e enreBlp,tieae i cnrtn(rurorh.gm gy grcoac eiyitwhlnehy adcigaeasrase, v dts d torio.ein—i nw.st go citneoa Idngmrt(bdoH d eer i esiast sdnoh tosh,fe uoctebso tarr ud la fbltrneoteohe xddohme croa .ulid)nc at—peetl uherod egrenTlpgahy uhdyrt,oeer e— sersb t.latr)ufy,ett hi tea ra odeadsnf t d THE PRESIDENT'S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. To the Christian Public, Clergymen and Laymen throughout the Union: Being desirous to sustain the President of the United States in his responsible and critical duties in upholding the Government ancl overthrowing the Rebellion, ancl having given the subject our careful deliberation, we submit to you the following memorial :— While we, clergymen ancl laymen of various Christian denominations, acknowledge our present national humiliation as a just chastisement from God for our national sins, we believe that his paternal hand is directing the sore calamities in the interest of human freedom, as well as for the moral and civil education of the American people. Though we regard slavery as the original and immediate cause of the rebellion, we would not exculpate ourselves from guilt. We have permitted this flagitious system to grow up under our Government to its present fearful proportions. But we believe that God is turning the war which slaveholders have waged for the extension ancl perpetuity of slavery, to work its prospective aud final destruction. We regard the confiscation of the property of the rebels, as we do the proclamation of prospective emancipation, as just, and necessary to bring this wicked war to a close, and to secure a righteous and permanent peace. And for all the loyal citizens of the land, and in the name of humanity and our holy religion, we thank the President for the prudent and well-considered manner in which he has accepted and met the responsibility thrust upon him by the terrible crisis. We are profoundly impressed with the conviction that in the Providence of God, and under our Constitution, sustained by a loyal people, beholds in his hands the destinies of our free Government and the precious interests depending on it for generations yet unborn : and we pledge him, in support of these measures for the restoration of the nation, our sympathy, our prayers, and, if need be, our lives; for when our free Government is overthrown, then also is the free exercise of our religion, and with it every thing which renders life desirable. We therefore urgently request Pastors of Churches of all denominations, (with all other Clergymen,) throughout the Union, and members of their congregations, immediately and without further notice, to join us in signing the following petition, addressed and to be forwarded, through their several Senators and Representatives, to the President of the United States. We also request Clergymen, after forwarding the petition as suggested above, to return their names, titles, denominations, ancl the number of signatures to the petition, to BENJAMIN H. WEST, M. D., Secretary, Boston, Mass., that we may obtain complete lists of clerical names, and the number of the petitioners. Religious and loyal papers, by inserting this article, will advance the cause. To ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United Slates : We, the undersigned, hereby express to you our cordial approval of your late Proclamation of Prospective Emancipation, as a measure intrinsically right, and necessary to secure for the country a righteous and permanent peace; and we earnestly hope that it may be carried into full effect. In so doing, be assured that you have our entire support and most hearty prayers. Boston, Dec. 5, 1862. Rev. L. D. Barrows, D. D., Hon. Simon Brown, John G. Webster, tHwa[eSjgn iutgyen-,teRJRJRE RSRBOWCwEdWoueadeldetowh lvmviwabinwsa.n.uvry jo riurara srJC nEEJteEleehrMm .R ndn .llsd.AedLa eN, i wr G.GpWwvOS nsa. PG.. ], n.aFa .) a.P aMH.. ,rciw D orBrs HdalTdkSe.Boruyl arrbeaiWml ngsErleroarveEd.e,yt,rc. hw sees o,m SedkD, otHrncst omd,,oSelk,t uonal,wn e,eDu nlm,M cea,D cna. r,arn .edN .,ndeD w sD,t eD,l. aa a,.,a,. lryn, e ydm,E, I} Kej t•wmn i Cor.MCa]k o n,hhe mocurmCinifmps dblettariheiaeteatrvdti enseo el na.n d, FRENCH BRANCH OF THE EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE AND THE AMERICAN WAR. ' The following is a copy of an Address from the French-speaking branch of the Evangelical Alliance to Christians in America :— TO THE MEMBERS OF THE DIFFERENT EVANGELICAL DENOMINATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES. PARIS, October 25. " When one member suf- • with it." This is what ce the calamities which ough the Universal ar an address BELOVED BRETHREN fers, all the members s we feel regarding you have fallen on your nati Conference of Geneva sent of sympathy, we feel constrained to reiterate that expression of our fraternal love. In fact, the year which has elapsed has seen your sacrifices multiplied in a fearful proportion. United to you by the bond of common faith, tojfivbich must now be added that of a civilization' ba?cm on human liberty, we feel that what touches you,,-touches us. It is true the EvangelicaLAJpwice is bound to raise itself above all differences which.-separate, religious or political parties. But here it i- not.-a question of one of those accessory points ^of do-jtriuc, of discipline, or of organization, which nnv divide Evangelical Christians. It is a quesfTOH*^ those great notions of justice and injustice, and M. the supreme law of charity in the name of which our Alliance was formed. It would be a life, if it interdicted itself from protesting against those great social iniquities which dishonor the Gospel under which it is attempted to shelter them. It cannot remain indifferent while, in an age when the conscience of the world condemns slavery, and all the countries of Europe, except Spain, have abolished it at the cost of great sacrifices, and when Russia has just emancipated, by an admirable effort, thirty-five million of serfs, Protestant theologians are seen attempting to justify that institution by the Bible, and men inspisaR: with their doctrines excite an atrocious war to maintain the enslavement of an unfortunate race. The Alliance feels itself directly wounded in the faith which it professes, when it assists at so monstrous a spectacle as that of a Confederation which boasts of being Evangelical, (Evangelique,) yet at the same time is founded (as one of "its principal magistrates has said) on slavery, as " the stone refused by the builders," but which is precious in the sight "of God. The Evangelical Alliance would no longer be the great association of fraternal love that it is, if it forgets those hundreds of thousands of brethren in Jesus Christ, who are now sold in the South like wretched cattle, marked with red-hot iron, and who often perish under the lash of pitiless drivers. Nor should we be less wanting in our duty towards those of our brethren in the South, who have voluntarily associated themselves with a colossal enterprise formed to perpetuate and to extend slavery, if we did not declare to them the profound sorrow which we feel at that spectacle, the fearful scandal which results from it, and the immense damage which they are causing to the interests of our Divine Master. Suffice it for us to say to you, Evangelical Christians of the United States, that without wishing to enter into questions of nationality, of country, and of constitution, which are not within our domain, we can assure you that you have our most lively sympathies. If you have to suffer, it is for a grand and glorious cause. That which has let loose on your people all the miseries of war is a first step taken in resistance to the extension of slavery. We have heard with thankfulness of the measures which have been already taken to destroy this odious institution, and of the many symptoms which make us foresee the speedy disappearance of the prejudice against color, that grievous corollary of slavery. We pray God soon to blot out the last traces of it; and we can assure you that nothing will be so well calculated to counteract those prepossessions in Europe, which are grounded chiefly on the manner in which the black race is still treated in the North. We entreat the Lord to keep you in this path. Each step made in this direction will bring you nearer to the close of your sufferings. Since God permits this horrible carnage, it is doubtless in order to deliver America from an evil which is even more awful than war, because it is more lasting, and because it poisons more completely the springs of a nation's life. When your country shall have clone everything which lies in its power to restore liberty to the captives, it will be able to take to itself that promise of the Lord: " Is not this the fast that I have chosen, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke V Then shall thy light break forth as the morning, and thine health shall spring forth speedily." Then, also, whatever the extirpation of this scourge may have cost you, you will feel that such a benefit could not be too dearly bought. In the name of the Committee of the Evangelical Alliance of Paris, The President—GUILLAUME MONOD. The Secretary—GEORGES FISCII. The representatives of the French-speaking branch of the Evangelical Alliance, assembled at Geneva on the 29th of October, 1862, have taken the above address into consideration, and given it their hearty approbation. In the name of the general conference, The President—CHARLES BARDE, (Pasteur.) The Secretarv—DAVID TISSOT. EMPLOYMENT FOR LIBERATED NEGROES. We believe it to be of vital importance to the complete success of the Proclamation of Emancipation, that its friends immediately take measures to furnish profitable employment to those slaves who shall come within the Union lines, and claim their liberty under it. Unless this is done, only a few of the able-bodied, middle-aged men, who can be employed for military purposes, will be able to find employment, or the means of support; the remainder will become an immense burden to the Government, and remain in idleness. Every clay's labor which the people will be able to do, during the coming year, in the cotton-field, can be made worth two dollars at least, and will leave an immense margin of profit on the capital required to employ them, at that price, with anything like respectable management; for the same labor that was required to grow one dollar's worth of cotton in 1860, when it sold for ten cents per pound, will grow six dollars' worth to-day, when it sells for sixty cents per pound. The labor of a good field band cost the master sixty-three cents per day in 1860. This cost consisted of the follow-in «' items, viz.:—Twelve per cent, interest on the cost of a good hand, say twelve hundred dollars, which amounts to forty-eight cents per day; fifteen dollars per annum for clothing, equal to five cents per day ; twenty-four dollars per annum for protivnnimiegsgi oeront lhso eq s tfu tudaorrutntareiilrsn shcg,e o edssqit,c ukpeanqeleru st aoshl, a tenwtoxdop e escniigexsehntsytts -ft cohperer nermet sd e adcpyei,ec—nrint se-dm paaayenkr;dday. We think that no one will claim that twelve per cent, is too high a rate of interest on perishable property like slaves, who are sure to become valueless in a few years; or that any of these estimates aire too high. If, then, the negligent, slothful management of a Southern planter, with the rude, inconvenient, ill-conditioned tools ancl machinery used oi most of the plantations, could pay sixty-three certs per day for slave labor, and grow cotton at a profil when it sold for ten cents per pound, what per cot. of profit would a Northern man make in the sane business, with improved Northern tools, when tje same labor could be obtained at one dollar pei day, and cotton selling, as at present, at sixty cents per pound ? Certainly five hundred percent.; and there is little prospect of its selling below thirty cents per pound for some time, as only a small amount has been grown this season, or is likely to be next, ancl the profit of employing these laborers, at reasonable wages, could not fail to be be extremely large. It would also add very much to the effect of the Proclamation, if the slaves could be assured constant employment for themselves and families, with wages at one dollar per clay for the labor of an able hand. This being true, what greater mistake can oe made than for the Government to add to the present enormous expenses, the burden of supporting tens of thousands of liberated slaves brought into our lines by the President's Proclamation, after the first of January, who are living in idleness and learning vicious habits, while large tracts of the best, cotton lands in the world are in our possession and remain. uncultivated, and our people suffer for the want of cotton that might be grown on them ? How shall this be avoided ? Capital should be raised at once—a large number of confiscated plantations purchased from the Government—arrangements made for tools, teams, supplies, transportation and superintendents. No time should be lost: the planting season will soon arrive. When it has passed, it will be impossible to furnish profitable employment to liberated slaves, if no crop has been planted. The amount of capital required to commence an enterprise like this successfully, in the outset, must necessarily be large ; as those who engage in it at first must furnish their own transportation for supplies from New York to the plantations cultivated, ancl for the crop grown, to market, as no freight lines are running to the South now. After a careful investigation of the subject, we estimate that about two hundred dollars of capital will be required for each hand employed. How shall this capital be raised ? As there is danger of being driven off by the rebels before the crop is gathered, and the whole investment lost, no one will be willing to invest a large amount in it; but many will risk a small amount for the purpose of seeing this experiment tried, and the fact demonstrated that cotton can be grown cheaper with free labor than with slaves, and a movement initiated, which will be the means of inducing other parties to engage in many similar enterprises before the season" is past, and thus furnish employment to a large number of emancipated slaves. The amount of capital required being greater than private parties would be willing to risk, there is clearly no method of raising it but by means of a stock company with a comparatively large capital, whose stock is divided into small shares. We are willing and anxious to engage in this enterprise, and will invest three thousand dollars in its stock, provided others will join us and make up an amount of capital sufficient to go on with it successfully. Who will join us ? Any one willing to take stock in such an enterprise to the amount of ten dollars or more, is invited to advise us of the fact by mail. Friends of the cause, let us hear from you. ELLIS, BRITTON & EATON. Springfield, (Vt.,) Nov. 15, 1862. THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION IN TENNESSEE. THE NEGRO EXODUS—THE WAY OF THE TRANSGRESSOR IS HARD. rebel slaveholders of Middle Tennessee—and they comprise, perhaps, five-sixths of the slaveholders— are filled with alarm at the approaching evil which menaces them with ruin. It is evident that they do not regard the President's Emancipation Proclamation as brutum fulmen—mere thunder and no lightning—as some newspapers regard it. On the contrary, they look upon it as the most terrible wound yet inflicted upon the peculiar institution, which, as it is the chief corner-stone of the Butternut Confederacy, so it is the chief corner-stone the rebellion, whose death involves the death of the Southern rebellion. The slaves have heard of the proclamation, ancl are following the example of rebellion set them by their masters. Whoever else may affect to doubt that the proclamation is a live document, the rebels of Middle Tennessee do not doubt it, and they quake in the extremity of their terror as the day draws near when it shall take effect in Wilson, in Williamson, in Maury, in Rutherford, and in Davidson counties. The rebel masters have, for two weeks past, been gathering up their slaves, and running them off as expeditiously as possible. Whole plantations, which once counted their scores of bondsmen — coal-black, chestnut-brown, saddle-colored, olive-tinted and Saxon-hued —are now depopulated. Their former inhabitants have "Laid down the shovel and the hoe, And hung up the fiddle and the bow ; " and have been driven off to Dixie—to the land of cotton, cotton-mouth snakes, and cotton-headed politicians. We have our doubts whether these fugitive masters will find the change for the better. It looks to us like leaping out of the frying pan into the fire. What will they do with their slaves when they get them South ? There is no work for them to do, no cotton or tobacco to raise, and nothing for them to eat. It does not seem to us that to collect hundreds of thousands of restless, excited negroes together, is exactly the best method of securing ancl strengthening the divine institution of slavery, which is sanctioned by the Lord's prayer and the Sermon on the Mount! To use a plain term, these rebel slaveholders are a set of asses; they never were troubled with much brains, and they have improved very much, of late—the wrong way. If we wanted to stir up mischief, insubordination, and the devil generally, in the cotton States, we would advise gtytcapwhhsororeoooe nntseusshdfeeslledii bycfSs aothll setlaauaal v rvr tweceed ed-os oi oeldnb ulwel ofebopllnoitai,inc epk eotwgvrp, sv l.eei cekda ore,rJsf m u Mh t wMtsatphatileasel misl rld veisdsdedtepsel iee cptmaehw kpndeTi oimdi teolnahy nfnt hn sdpwaswepi sliAhseatrnelii glacteaulhvoseb pset sa,o r^samt,a! h l dan lae 'no, i Wo rdi utr jhn rnuh\bet„soeirtln iiehnsvaogevl naeat eaw dlbwh loepaonylda stynh dt eacryetiiva oiwdln eeswdr,e aiw nrs,seo tupuhralerdre a,cr taetitdbo e ntlhfsr eos a;lmar nmv oeeog-aosfcgtwh dt nhaoeentrihgsr,e srwol auohvnsoe s , period of the war, mass the slaves in one formiddble body, and thus render them immeasurably more power" fid to inflict injury ? This is precisely what the rebels are doing. But we have heard nobody object to their doing so. If they can stand it, w'c guess that we can endure it, not only patiently but "comfortably. In fact, we confess we rather like the movement. The rebels are kindly putting their heads so close together, that we can soon sever them at one blow, as if they had but one neck. Nor does it require the gift of prophecy to foretell what will follow in this State. These splendid plantations, whose area is vast, whose fertility is unsurpassed, ancl whose climate is delightful, will not be allowed to lie idle. An army of hardy, enterprising immigrants from the northwest will soon pour in to fill the places left vacant by the slaves; and, in the place of half-savage, woolly-headed, coal-black ragged Africans, as uneducated as the mules they "drive, there will be a multitude of industrious, thinking, well-clad, educated, newspaper-reading, church and school-going, white farmers, able and willing to serve the State in peace and in war. The exchange will not be a badone: it will soon double our wealth.—Nashville Union. PROCLAMATION, FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE. I hereby appoint and set apart THURSDAY, THE TWENTY-SEVENTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, as a day of public thanksgiving ancl praise; and I earnestly recommend to the Superintendents of Plantations, Teachers and Freedmen in this Department, to abstain on that day from their ordinary business, and assemble in their respective places of worship, and render praise and thanksgiving to Almighty God for the manifold blessings and mercies he has bestowed upon us during the past year; and more especially for the signal success which has attended the great experiment for freedom and the rights of oppressed humanity, inaugurated in the Department of the South. Our work has been crowned with a glorious success. The hand of God has been in it, and we have faith to believe the recording angel has placed the record of it in the Book of Life. You, freedmen and women, have never before had such ean.?e for tteskfolness. Your simple faith has been vindicated. "The Lord come" to you, and has answered your prayers. Yorf?*chains are broken. Your days of bondage i mourning are ended, and you are forever free. If you cannot yet see your way clearly in the future, fear not; put your trust in the Lord, and He will vouchsafe, as He did to the Israelites of old, the cloud by day ancl the pillar of fire by night, to guide your footsteps " through the wilderness," to the promised land. I therefore advise you all to meet and offer up fitting songs of thanksgiving for all these great mercies which you have received, and with them, forget not to breathe an earnest prayer for your brethren who are still in bondage. Given at Beaufort, S. C, this ninth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two. R. SAXTON, Brig.-General, and Military Governor. A NEW ENTERTAINMENT. A COLORED WOMAN READING THE AMERICAN POETS. The little semi-circular hall of the Stuyvesant Institute was opened last night to such of the public as knew of the fact, and chose to attend. The attraction announced was a poetical reading by a " Mrs. Louise DeMortie, a colored lady of Boston," and as the affair had not been advertised, except among our colored citizens, there were only about half a dozen white persons present. The rest of the audience, which half filled the room, included negroes of every hue, from the deep brown and dark black to the pale olive. There were several splendid-looking women, as elegant in dress and feature as the rich Creoles of Louisiana. There were one or two colored preachers, of raven complexion and garb, and not a few of the more elegant and dandyish " colored gemmen " who may be seen in fashionable hotels and hair-dressing rooms. One man, bald on the top of his head and magnificent as to whiskers, was the very bust in chocolate of General Burnside. There were several men and women so white that they could scarcely be distinguished from those of the Caucasian race who were present, While waiting for the reader, two men—a harpist and a violinist—played upon their instruments very indifferently. At a little after eight o'clock, Mrs. De Mortie appeared, and sat down before a small pine table, on which were placed a few books and a pitcher of water. A splendid-looking woman she was—complexion of a flushed creamy tint, hair dark and wavy, eyes large and lustrous, and features oval and almost classic. She was dressed in black silk, and wore white kid gloves. She could not be considered a type of the African race, for, though the African blood evidently tinged her skin, she might easily have passed for a Creole. Yet she at once identified herself with the negro race, of which there were so many undoubted members in the audience, and opened her readings with some passionate stanzas by Whittier, on " The Slave and Slavery." The voice was superb—rich, deep and musical— the pronunciation admirable, without the slightest touch of negro accent, while the gestures were always easy and graceful. Whittier's exquisite pastoral, " Maud Muller," followed, read with the quiet ease and half-hidden pathos the piece requires. Extracts from " The Honeymoon " exhibited in the reader considerable sprightliness and humor. A selection from the " Hero and the Slave," written by J. Sella Martin, a black man, again called forth her fire and energy, but, though well written, and containing many passages of genuine poetic fervor, the piece was too long to interest the audience. In Longfellow's " Skeleton in Armor" there was a marked deficiency ; several lines were so carelessly read that some words were entirely omitted, and others inserted, thus quite destroying the rhythm. Nor was the " Pied Piper " rendered much better; but in the next piece, an anonymous little gem, entitled " Magdalena," Mrs. De Mortie fully equalled in pathos and effect any lady reader who has < v"nIanbsehatwilcnhoosdivtouaosetT iioiae.Trttttzdu"f,hdhe nprh hae r in ool.tieasnc,byae svu t gTgttdyr at te,"ttoaleeToht in i, nsabm t c en hlrhtlgeebaobsoel ep eietaefalynn hroor tlsd eayp agirfeftisdrea ihr nx sdoi tdmam es»hagp lgr t wiat oetoliy ror oflatcacsfi aalerudekmepet e mlrlelstlyiekrl h dncme yepa s ,pceogs" a cn ararteweuu de nhhoytwnp ltisd oimda wen ctie etlhrtnlef oa nelnaib ta, tni roasa t ttijemlphaaoep.v, y d r nwey pweboi ftNclhat ,rluob ioeai c euetailqlauutwohnnosd tbulsle w r di aoeilaeeitarynhveYr .od n gbete frecorord erd teew earawrhw fear k, ngouiae"d osd emlacebn r l ,a nAxeyklhct aeduh,dci,na eb te udaneyare scopsneipdoviy eoildtpwatf iem nr iat r sonoiewuchgeaompinunecorannnaase; i.,isg, , n
|Title||The Liberator, 1862-12-26, vol. 32 iss. 52 no. 1664|
|Creator||William Lloyd Garrison ; Isaac Knapp|
|Subject||Antislavery movements -- United States ; African Americans -- History -- To 1863 ; Manuscripts, American ; Slavery -- Protest movements -- History ; Slavery--United States--Periodicals;|
|NY Heritage Topic||Government, Law & Politics|
|Publisher of Original||William Lloyd Garrison ; Isaac Knapp|
|Date of Original||1862-12-26|
|Physical Description||newspaper; 4 p.; 24.5 x 17 in. (62.23 x 43.18 cm.)|
|Format of Digital||application/pdf|
|Holding Institution||St. John Fisher College|
|Contact Information||Visit http://www.sjfc.edu/library/speccoll/specialcollections.dot|
|Digital Collection||The Liberator;|
|Library Council||Rochester Regional Library Council|
|Rights||©Lavery Library, St. John Fisher College. Images may be reproduced for educational use only. Please see Special Collections and Archives Reproduction and Use Fees "http://www.sjfc.edu/library/about/policies/duplications.dot" for more information.|
T H E L I B E R A T O R
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directed (TOST PAID) to the General Agent.
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Igp Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania,
Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are
authorised to receive subscriptions for THE LIBERATOR.
jj2P" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial
Committee, hut are not responsible for any debts of the
j .japer, viz : — WENDELL PHILLIPS, EDMUND QUINCY, ED-MUND
JACKSON, and WILLIAM L. GARRISON, JR.
"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all
the inhabitants thereof;"
" Hay this down as the law of nations. I say that military
authority takes, for the time, the place of all municipal
institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST ;
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive
management of tho subject, not only the PRESIDENT OP
THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OP THE ARMY,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION
OF THE SLAVES. . . From the instant
that tho slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers
of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of
slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED
WITH, from a claim of indemnity for s.lavcs taken or destroyed,
to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. . . . It is a war power. I say it is a war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, ACCORDING
TO" THE LAWS OP WAR ; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institutions
swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES TUB
PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial
array, the commanders of both armies have power to emancipate
all the slaves in the invaded territory."~J. Q. ADAJTB.
WM. LLOYD GABEISOlf, Editor. » u r |
The Liberator, 1862-12-26, vol. 32 iss. 52 no. 1664for