The Emancipator, 1838-10-04,

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liberty "throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitant* thereof.-Lev. 25 10.
NEW-YORK, THURSDAY, O C T O B E R 4, 18 3 8. JOSHUA LEAVITT, Editor,
of foreign trade at
The Southern Direc;
W e have been interested in examining a piece lately pub­lished
in the Charleston Mercury, purporting to be an " Ad­dress
to the People of the Southern and Southwestern
State?," by a Committee of the Convention of Southern
Merchants which met at Richmond in April last. It discloses
numerous evidences of the imbecility and dependence of the
slaveholding States, while it utterly fails to point out the
true cause or to prescribe an adequate remedy. Referring to
the [then existing] general pecuniary embarrassment and the
suspension of the banks throughout the country, the com­mittee
find exchanges between the North and South from 7
to 40 per cent, in favor of the former, the court dockets
crowded with suits brought by northern houses against
southern houses, the pecuniary embarrassments of the
southern States increase as they recede from the. North, and
" in the meantime our northern brethren are reaping rich
fruits from their vantage ground." The report then recurs
to the commercial history of the United States to prove
" that in the natural order of things, the position of the two
sections should be precisely reversed." And to bring about
this reversal, and, of course, give the South the advantage
over the North, is the avowed object of the Southern Com­mercial
Conventions, one of which is to meet this month at
Augusta, Ga. And the great means relied on to effect this
marvellous change in favor of the South, is the establish­ment
of " a direct trade between them and foreign nations."
The historical data respecting imports are curious enough.
"VVe have arrayed some of them in the following table, show­ing
the amount of imports of the different sections at several
periods.
States 1760 1791 1821 1832
N. England £561,000
N e w York 189,000 $3,222,000 $23,000,000 $57,000,000
400,000
851,130 2,486,000 1,078,000 550,000
555,000 1,520,000 3,000,000 1,213,000
** Thus the import trade of N e w York baa gradually in­creased
from ,£189,000 sterling, (about $840,000,) in the year
1769. and from about three millions of dollars in 1791 to the
enormous sum in 1832, of fifty-seven millions of dollars !
While Virginia has fallen off, in her import trade from two
and a half°million5 of dollars, in 1791, to $375,000 in 1829,
and $550,000 m 1832, not a great deal more than the freight
of half a dozen ships !
"From these calculations, a few curious facts appear.—
The imports of N e w York were, in 1832, seventy
times as great as they were in 1791. Virginia on the other
hand, imported, in 1829, about one-eleventh of what she did
in 1796, and about one eleventh of what she did in 1691.
In a period too, of eight years, the aggregate imports of N e w
York amounted to thiee and eleven millions of dollars;
those of South Carolina to about sixteen millions, and those
of Virginia to about five millions! New York imported,
therefore, in 1832, eleven times as much as Virginia did in
eiotit years preceding, and nearly four times as much in the
single year of 1832, as South Carolina imported in a period
of eight years. Again, N e w York imported in one year,
(1S32) nearly fifty times as much as South Carolina in the
same year, and about one hundred and ten times as much as
Virginia.
" At the conclusion of the last war with Great Britain,
Georgia commenced quite a brisk and profitable importing
business; but it subsided in a few years, and its subsequent
history, may be seen in the history of trade of South Caro­lina"
Having thus shown the actual decline of the foreign trade
Penn.
Virginia
S. Carolina
of the South, the Committee then profess to enquire into its
causes. But w e have looked in vain for a single indication
of any cause, for the committee proceed immediately to ex­hibit
the effects of the decline of their trade, as a cause of
their embarrassments.
One of the effects [not causes] of the decline of their
foreign trade, is a loss of about a million of dollars annually
of the government money, which is expended in the pay of
revenue officers. This is based on a calculation, that in 48
years 900 millions of dollars hnve been collected in duties
on foreign merchandize, and that of the domestic productions
given in exchange for this merchandize, two-thirds were of
southern growth. They say then, " Without disturbing the
vexed question, who pays the duties, w e may state then,
what all will admit, that the Government has been indebted
to southern industry for six hundred and thirty millions of
money." " H a d the southern people then, shipped their own
produce to foreign markets, and brought the return cargoes
to their own ports, they would have had eight and forty
millions distributed among them since 1789, si nply in the
pay of their revenue officers. This would have gone into
the pockets of individuals, to be sure ; and so goes all that
constitute the wealth of a nation. Here it would have been re­ceived,
and here expended." " This sum divided among the
citizens of Norfolk, Willmington, Charleston, Savannah,
Mobjle and N e w Orleans, would have quieted many a dis­turbed
bosom in the Irving reign of the.protective system.
Savannah's portion of it, would have defrayed the whole ex­penses
of the government of Georgia for more than thirty
years ""
,idc from what they pro-mention
other things which
j the North. One is, that the
^vvn flour, but "crowd their planta-a,
rice and tobacco, and then pay the
.o pay the northern merchant, to pay the
ior the flour they consume ;" by which
lly number of millions more move annually
.i to the North," so that, in September last,
ton and a barrel of canal flour commanded the
n Georgia." Another voluntary tribute is the
expended annually by our people in visits of plea-u'e
North," which "swell the streams that are con-
, flowing from a waning to a growing people." The
.A'miftee in passing here notice that not one third as much
is expended by "our northern brethren" at the South in
winter, although " they double us in population," as a mark
of the difference of habit between the northern and southern
people. " The main difference is, that they are a home-abiding,
economical people ; while w e [the South] incline too
much to the opposite traits of character Hence their gains,
which are not larger in wealth than in power" And they
exclaim, " Let us profit by their example."
In addition to all this " voluntary self-impoverishment,"
the address reiterates the usual complaints of the South
about the inequality produced by the disbursements of the
national government. The whole amount of disbursements
is set down at a thousand millions, of which " little short of
eight-tenths have gone North of the Potomac, or to citizens
domiciled North of the Potomac."
" The effect of these disbursements at the North, is like a
shower of gold. They are far belter. They clear rivers,
improve harbors, and open roads and canals which give per­manent
facilities to commerce. They plant national estab­lishments,
gather villages around them, and found other
public works, through which there is a constant stream of
treasure flowing from the Government to the people in their
vicinity. Suppose the General Government should make
Brunswick a naval depot; would it be a twelve month before
that place would become a busy thriving city 1 And would
it be longer before its influence would be felt through the
whole State 1"
Another complaint is that the pensions to the soldiers and
widows of the revolution, go to the North in the proportion
of 17 to 2, as if the fighting and danger and loss of life had
not been in the same proportion. The " restrictive system"
also (which was in fact a purely southern measure) cost the
South 50 millions in six years. But it is said : —
" The Restrictive System was not more oppressive to us
than propitious to our northern brethren. It was the touch
of Midas to their property, and the ablution of Midas to the
streams. Through all its operations, it enriched them—in
all its consequences it profitted thern. With its other effects,
it gave them the command of southern trade ; and thus in­creased
our dependence upon them, and multiplied our debts
to them. Let us not be understood as mentioning these
things, in the spirit, of complaint or disaffection ; but m con­firmation
of the positions which we assumed at the opening
of our remarks. Indeed the southern people, now reap no
small benefit from the measure, which has been so favorable
to their northern friends. It has enlarged the demand for
their principal staples, and opened to them a home market,
where they can be supplied with many articles in daily use
at the South, upon better terms than they are offered in any
other market.
" But, fellow-citizens, how trivial would all our other
loses have seemed, had we only secured to ourselves the
importer's profits !"
That is now the philosopher's stone that is to tarn all the
cotton into gold. The question is, how will you get it 1 And
on this point, it seems, our southern statesmen-tnrned-merchants
are as unphilosophical and impractical as they are
ill-agreed among themselves.
1. W e have the scheme of that eminent merchant and
financier, Col. A. P. Hayne, of Charleston, who is for doing
without banks altogether. He says,—
" T h e fact is, the whole system of exchanges is broken
tip, individual credit destroyed, want of confidence and dis­trust,
have, in a great measure, suspended all profitable trade
between Europe and the United States ; but especially be­tween
England and the United States—and England is that
power, with whom we have most at stake.
" It is cicar nun so-: * r- • ;; -
establishment, and the sooner this done the better will the
South and South-west do their own business—or shall they
continue their state of dependence on the northern cities,
which have, in a great measure, been built up by commissions,
profits and charges on the South and South-west 1 and t
and with honest means. " If thou inayest be free, use it,"
is apostolical advice. And to this end, we venture to re­commend
to our fellow-citizens the following important sug­gestions,
from the address of the Convention, as pointing at
once to «the real cause and the true remedy of their depen­dence
and thraldom.
" W e have seen that with the industry, enterprise and
economy of our northern brethren, and with equal favor from
the Government, w e must not only have far surpassed them
in wealth, but tint wo must have been the most prosperous
people on the'globe. W e have seen that our own mipiovi-dence,
the shrewder policy of northern friends, and the un­equal
action of the Government, have all conspired to bring
upon U3 our present embarrassments.
or of su
apology
Not that they are
the immediat/cause ; but that they have so far weakened us,
and made us so completely dependent upon the people of the
North for every thing, that the least shock to commerce,
prostrates us, and the least pressure upon them is turned upon
us with redoubled force. W e have seen why it is that the
one people has risen like the rocket, and the other has fallen
like its stick. W e have seen, that their positions must
have been reversed, if the southern people had maintained
their foreign trade. The opportunity is now offered to them
to resume it, and to reap the rich rewards from it, that they
have hitherto transferred to their hands. Fellow-citizens,
will you not resume it 1—Every thing now encourages you
to do so. American commerce is almost released from its
fetters ; and your resources will enable you to control it.
You are not wanting in means, in skill, in port or waters,
to accomplish the great enterprise. The legislatures of your
respective States have made easy the way, and safe the at­tempt
to accomplish it. They have authorised you to form
associations fortius purpose, in which you may invest what
you please, without hazard of more than you invest. Your
interests, social, pecuniary and political, are deeply involved
in it.—A single, bold, united, manly effort, on your part, and
the thing is done. Every citizen must take an interest in
it—every citizen, a part in it.
" And while we are directing our united exertions to the
great object, let us not forget the auxiliary duties which de­volve
upon us as individuals. Let us reform our habits
of extravagance. Let us become an industrious, economical,
and domestic people : and what w e practice ourselves, let us
teach our children. Let us make more of them merchants-scientific,
reputable, practical merchants. Let our planters
reform their agricultural systems. Let them resolve to buy
nothing that their farms can produce, and to sell bread stuffs
under every season. By this policy, they will not gain
more in independence than in wealth ; for their cotton crops
reduced one fourth, would command a higher price than they
now do. Nature has practically demonstrated this truth to
our planters, again and again ; but they will not profit by
her lessons. Never does he shorten their crops, that they
are not more than compensated in the Kprice ; and yet they
cannot be persuaded to shorten them themselves. In 1825,
a rumor was spread and generally believed, that the cotton
crop on hand, would not supply the demand by some fifty
or a hundred thousand bales ; and immediately the article
rose from twelve or thirteen cents to thirty."
They have tried " restricted trade," and that did not help
them. They then tried " free trade" and that did not help
them. " Direct trade," will come out just so. Let them
abandon the chase of humbugs and try " the industry, enter­prise
and economy of our northern brethren." That's the
true secret. -But to this end, they must lay aside their high
notions, F R E E T H E I R S L A V E S , and go to work—as we
do.
bsequent inquiry concerning them, will I hope be my
, to the Petitioners and to the writers of the letters,
for referring thern to the Journals of the House of Bcpre-ives,
upon which I have insisted that the names oi the
mens and the number of signers to each Petition, with
the name of the place and State whence it came, should be
entered, for the fact of tin presentation and the disposal Ol
each Petition by the House.
I offered a Resolution to the House requiring of the Clerk,
to cause to be made out a complete list of all the Petitions,
thus presented and thus treated at the last three Sessions of
Congress—but the combination of northern lal or and south­ern
capital to suppress the right of Petition and the freedom
of debate, unwilling to expose to the world the extent of
their success, and the blushing honors of their triumph, re­fused
to entertain the motion. Nor can I find it in my heart
to blame the tacit confession implied by this refusal, that this
catalogue of PETITIONERS spurned from the doors of a
North°American Congress, would have exhibited to the
amazement of mankind and to the contempt of after ages,
the most melancholy document that ever issued from the
successors of that band of Patriots, who but three score and
two years since, promulgated from the State House m Phila­delphia,
the D E C L A R A T I O N O F I N D E P E N D E N C E.
JOHN QUINCV ADAMS.
From the Anti-Slavery Almanac for 1839.
Roll of Infamy.
The Political Creed of Abolitionists.—WE W I LL
VOTE FOR NO MAN W H O VOTES AGAINST LIB­ERTY.
The North has always had a majority in the U. S. House
of Representatives. Thus :
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The names above the dash under each state, are present
members, whose term expires March 3, 1839. The marks
signify :
* Those who voted to lay petitions on the table Jan. 2, 1835,
airainst the motion of J. Dickson, of N. Y , to refer thern^
Carried, 117 to 77. Majority 40.
t Voted " That Congress ought not to interfere in any way
with slavery in the District of Columbia." Feb. 8, 1836,
passed, 132 to 45. Maj. 87.
{. Voted for Pincknev's gag resolution, M ay 26, 1836. Car­ried,
117 to 68. Maj. 46.
t Voted for the admission of Arkansas as a slave state, June
13, 1836. Carried, 138 to 56. Maj. Si.
§ Voted for Hawcs' gag resolution, Jan. 18, 1837. Carried,
115 to 57. Maj. 58.
It will be noticed that those whose names are decorated
Willi the ab( ve marks have nearly all failed of re-election.
Let others beware
|| Voted for Patton's gag, December 21, 1837, which fol­lows
:
" Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, and papers
touching the abolition of slavery, or the buying, selling, or
transferring of slaves in any state, district or territoiy of the
United States, be laid on the table, without being debated,
printed, read or referred, and that no further action whatever
shall be had thereon." Carried, 122 to 74. Maj 48.
! Voted that John Q. Adams was out of order, because, in
illustrating the contempt cast upon the right of petition, he
referred to a petition purporting to be from slaves. June
23, 1838. Carried, 115 to 36. Maj. 79.
•-K4, ]
| Naifh. |
1 South 1
| Maj. 1
1T89 |
35|
30 |
5|
17S« |
57 1
50 |
7|
1803 |
77 |
65 |
HI
1813 1
103
79
•24
1819 |
1(15 1
81 1
24]
1823 |
124 |
60 |
34|
1833 1 1839 |
141 1 142 |
99 | 100 |
42 | 42 1
Another effect [not cause] of the decline of the direct
trade, is the loss of the profits which have occurred to the
northern merchants, on the $2,500,000,000 which the C o m ­mittee
assume as the value of the goods paid for by " south­ern
industry."
" H o w were these goods brought to this country and dis­tributed
1 The northern merchant has come hither and
bouaht from the southern planter produce of equal value
abating from the price all the expenses, direct and incidental,
of transportation. H e has insured them in northern offices
and shipped them abroad in his o w n vessels—exchanged
their at a small profit for foreign merchandise—brought it
home—paid one-fourth of its value to the government-added
that amount and all the expensess of importation, and
fifteen to twenty percent, for his profits, to the price, and ex­posed
it for sale. The southern merchant has n o w gone to him;
lingered the summer through with him at a heavy expense-bought
a of " ^ of these goods, reshipped them in northern
ports—added twenty-five per cent, more
'Cjfejgxpenses * pd profits—and sold them
•*•' Tr3fc i "uumy> in ''' m (his
.izens, i >.-thern
tsv%av^n in discnargiiMcichants jpe made
n planter supplies nearly
all the foreign goods of this country, gets his port.on of them
burdened with every expense that the government, merchant,
insurer, seaman, wharfinger, drayman, boatman, and wag­oner
can pile noon them. His burdens of course, are
needlessly increased in landing the goods at northern ports,
and bringing them thence to southern markets. Lvery item
in the endless catalogue of charges, except the government
du^s m a v u e considered a voluntary tribute from the c tizens
of the South to their brethren of the North ; for they would
all have gone to our o w n people, had w e done our o w n ex­porting
and importing."
A m o n g the indirect, consequential losses, "to which
the South have been subjected by the decline of their foreign
trade," the committee mention one whose connection with the
case in hand seems to us to be rather far-fetched ; viz. the
greater ability of the North to loan money to the national
government. Of the 422 millions of dollars that have been
paid by the United States Government on account of the
national debt, the proportion paid in States North of the Po­tomac
was to them South of it as 165 to 11 ! And the com­mittee
ask, with amiable simplicity, "whence but from
their commerce did the northern States acquire the means of
loaning so largely to the government]" They overlook the fact
that the loans connected with the debt of the revolution were
made when Virginia imported more goods then N e w York.
They omit also to consider that the North acquired its superior
ability to loan to the government by the very same means
with which it engrossed the foreign trade of the South—the
fact which the committee mention indeed in another connec­tion,
but without seeming to be at all aware that it contains
the key to the whole mystery—" the industry, E N T E R P R I S E
and E C O N O M Y of our northern brethren." But this is
mentioned by the committee in another connection altogether,
too while other odious distinctions have been kept up to our
prejudice, and most unaccountably submitted to on our part.
For example, I know it has been a constant practice for letters
of cieda from northern merchants to be given to irresponsible
persons, often to a clerk, sent to transact their business, and
which have been accepted by our banking institutions for
$50 000 to $100,000, while letters of credit of the southern
and south-western merchants, of equal standing and respecta­bility
to responsible houses at the North, would not be taken
for $!5 000 by a northern banking institution.
N o w the destruction of the credit of the northern merchants
in Europe, but especially in England, for the first time since
theformation of the Government, places the southern and
south-western merchant on a better footing, as it regards
credit at home and aoroad—in truth, the crisis places them
in a position of vast power and strength, from the fact, that
it is our cotton, that great and important staple of the South,
which has almost exclusively furnished the basis of all re­mittances
and exchanges from the United States to the rest
of the world. W e are comparatively independent of the use
of Banks—the bank of the southern and south-western States
is our C O T T O N — a bank which has never yet suspended specie
payments.''''
2. W e have the plan of Messrs. Fontaine and Prince, of
Mobile, who we believe are real merchants. They have
issued a very long circular, advertised in the papers, pro­posing
to establish a [one] southern commission house in
Liverpool for the transaction of this "direct trade." They
have also numerous recommendations as to their " strict in­tegrity"
and "good business qualifications." W e submit
it to our merchants to judge of the precise value of such a
letter in a mercantile point of view. They, however, insist
upon it that the moving power, the Hercules who is to lift
the great wheel, is in the Banks. The following extracts
from their circular are recommended to the consideration of
the " Board of Trade."
" In the first place, we contend that it is the interest of the
South to establish a Direct Trade with Europe. The whole
South is Waking up, and viewing the great importance of it.
Is not the South now, and has she not always been under pe­cuniary
and mercantile vassalage to the North! It cannot
be denied Is it desirable that she should continue in the
same state,or shall she break her bonds ? The problem-for
the South to solve is, what measures can be adopted, that
will most likely free her from the vassalage to which we have
alluded, and promote and encourage a Direct 1 rade with
Europe 1 In order properly to apply the remedy, we must
ascertain the cause of the disease. W h y then has the trade
of the South, both export and imptrt, been carried on through
.Ii., Northern cties ! Because, in mercantile pursuits,-there
is aiu! aiwavs has been an evident want of •f^^T™*^
dual capital at the South to control our Trade Ihe \mth
has had the capital, and the wisdom to apply it for hei own
benefit, and to obtain the use of her capital, w e have had to
pay tribute to her. All monied operations, converge to Wall-street,
until New-York has become the London of America.
H o w can the evil be remedied 1 By our Banks They have
the means, but have misapplied them. Instead ot taKing
Bills on Europe against the shipments of Cotton, they have
preferred to take paper much more insecure, drawn on> agents
of European Houses, located principally in New-York to
draw at. , , i, nf
" Our Banks can furnish all the means to purchase all ot
our Cotton, and they should do it, If they do not do it, Nor­thern
Banks will. If our Banks would, as they can do, con­trol
all the funds arising from the sale of our Cotton in Eu­rope,
could they not in a great measu.e, if not entirely, con­trol
the exchanges of the country 1 W e think they could.
" It is alone in the power of the Banks to remedy the evil
They drive impc rters of merchandise from our cities, by not
discounting the notes they receive from Planters and Mer­chants,
in the interior, for supplies. They, therefore, can­not
afford to sell Goods on as favorable terms as Northern
'"^Amerfwn Houses (as they are called) in England have
their interests identified with the North. Will they^ favor a
Direct Trade between the South and Europe! W e judge
Well, what is to be done, in order to break up the
c m i J .1: *- .Vwwu. int<-» notu nnp.fi ? "
Petitions.
The following letter, from the M E N T O R of the Petitioners,
ought to attract universal attention.
From the Quincy Patriot.
L E T T E R F R O M MR. ADAMS.
QUINCV, September 21, 1838.
To the Editor of the Quincy Patriot :
S I R , — A t the second Session of the 24th, and the first and
second Sessions of the 25th, or present Congress, great
numbers of Petitions, Memorials and Remonstrances, ad­dressed
to the House of Representatives of the United
Stales, were committed to m y charge, from citizens of other
Districts in the Commonwealth, and from other States of the
Union, besides those directed to m e as the Representative of
the Twelfth Congressional District of Massachusetts.
With many of these expressions of the wishes of the peo­ple
I received letters, assigning the reasons w h y they were
entrusted to m e . These were of various characters, but
almost universally such as are entitled to m y warm and
grateful remembrance—and many of them also manifested a
solicitude to be informed hew the Petitions would be received,
and what disposal of them would be made. In no small
number of cases I have received subsequent inquiries whe-cnei
m e i otiuoua ;.uu i
them had been made.
The mass of these Appeals from the constituent to the
Representative body have been of the following purport:
1. Praying for the abolition of slavery, ^nd the traffic in
slaves, within the District of Columbia.
2. For the abolition of slavery and the alave trade in all
the Territories of the United States.
3. For the prohibition of the slave trade between the
several States and Territories of the Union.
Sta4t.e sA,g tahiens Cto nstthietu atidomni sosfio wnh iicnht or etchoigsn iUzneiso no,r toofje arantye sn tehew
institution of domestic slavery.
ir tqier
5. Against the admission of Texas into this! _> i0!
6. Against the fraudulent treaty of N e w Echota, and im­ploring
M E R C Y lor the perishing remnants of the Indian
Tribes.
7. Remonstrances to the House of Representatives, against
the Gag-Resolutions of 18th January and 21st December,
1837
8. Concerning the fatal duel, and demanding some act of
Congress for the suppression of the practice between its
members.
Of these eight classes of Petitions large numbers were
received and presented to the House by me
Upon the duel, from three to four weeks of the time of
the House were consumed in a struggle to turn the whole
transaction into a political electioneering engine, to blacken
all the individuals concerned in the tragedy on one side, and
to whitewash those on the other. A bill to suppress as far
as possible the practice of dueling among the members.
actually passed the .senate and was referred to the duel
Committee in the House. They did not report it back to the
House till it was extorted from them, and never made the
slightest effo:t even to call it up for consideration. It may
be taken up at the next Session, and feeble and inefficient as
it is, would at least have the good effect of bearing the
solemn testimony of Congress against, a practice congenial
only to the moral code of slavery.
All the other classes of these Petitions were, without
being read or considered, laid, on the table. Those relating
directly to slavery or the slave trade, by the sweeping Re­solutions
of 18th January and 21st December. All the rest
by separate motions of individual members. To this uni­versal
extinction of the constituent voice, the only exception
has been enjoyed by the Petitioners against the admission of
Texas, and they only by inadvertence ; as was affirmed by
the Chairman 'of the Committee on Foreign Affairs—or
rather only because four State Legislatures of the South,
had passed Resolutions, earnestly urging the annexation, on
the express ground of fortifying the peculiar Institutions of
the South and strengthening the feeble knees of slavery.
It was this interposition of State Legislatures thirsting for
Texas, which burst open the doors of discussion upon the
blessings of slavery, so long and so pertinaciously bolted
and barred by northern labor and southern capital, against all
freedom of debate in the Representative Hall of the Ameri­can
people.
The Petitions, Memorials, Remonstrances and lxesoln^^xg
In the Senate the North had a majority of 2, (except from
1796 to 1802,) till 1812, when the admission of Louisiana
equalized the representation in that body. Still the North,
having power to choose the Vice-President, may have the
casting vote. It follows that every act of the nation is A N
ACT OF THE FREE STATES. THEY ARE VIRTUALLY THE NA­TION.
Whatever Congress does, or refuses to do, the /LW
responsibility rests upon the free states. The only way to
absolve ourselves from the guilt and shame of our national
crimes is to discard those who perpetrate them, and choose
men to represent us who will not vote down the foundation
principles of our government. To assist northern freemen
m this work, we insert from the Congressional journals the
names of a few who have voted against liberty.
I.
January 18. 1805. The following resolution was moved
in the U S. H. R.
Resolved, That from and after the 4th of July, 1805, all
blacks, and people of color, born within the District of Co­lumbia,
or whose mothers shall be the property of any per­son
residing within said District, shall be free, the males at
the ape of ° , and the females at the age of . Lost,
yeas 31, nays 77.
Northern men against it,
N H. Samuel Hunt, Samuel Tenny, 2 of 5 ; Vt. Gideon
Olin, 1 of 4; Mass. Jacob Crowninshield, Mana^seh Cutler,
Win. Eustis, Simon Lamed, W m . Stedman, Samuel Tag-gart,
6 of 17; Ct. Simeon Baldwin, John Davenport, Calvin
Goddard, Roger Griswold, 4 of 7 ; N . Y. Henry W . Liv­ingston,
Simuel Riker, Geo. Tibbetts, Philip Van Cort-landt,
Kilian K. Van Rcnsellaer, Daniel C. Verplanck, 6 of
17 .- N. J. Adam Boyd, William Helms, James Mott, Hen­ry
Southard, 4 of 6 ; Pa. Frederic Conrad, Joseph Hcistcr,
John Hoge, John B. Lucas, John Stewart, 5 of 18.—Total,
28, of 77.
II.
The Missouri question came up Feb. 2, 1818, and was
finally settled in the House, Feb. 26, [Senate 28,] 1821.—
The marks designate the votes of northern Representa­tives,
as follows :
* Feb. 16, 1819. Against a clause prohibiting the further
introduction of slavery into Mo. Carried, (i. e. the
clause against slavery prevailed,) yeas 87, nays 76.
t Against a clause for the future emancipation (at 25) of
slaves born in the state. Carried, yeas 82, nays 78.
|| Feb. 18, 1819. Against a clause prohibiting the future
introduction of slavery into Arkansas. Lost, yeas 70,
nays 71.
4. Against the future emancipation of slaves born in Ark.—
Carried, yeas 75, nays 73.
t For reconsidering last vote. Lost, yeas 77, nays 79.
IT Feb. 19,1819. Against the future emancipation of slaves
born in Arkansas. Tried twice (in different forms) the
same day. First trial, ther3 was a tie, 88 to 88, and
favor of perpetual slavery. The second trial, it was car­ried,
yeas, 89, nays 87.
§ Same day. Against prohibiting the further introduction
of slavery into Ark. (Mr. Taylor, of N. Y., having renew­ed
his proposition lost on the 18th.) Lost, yeas 86, nays
90.
(CT March 2, 1820. For striking out the clause prohibiting
the extension of slavery in Missouri. Carried, yeas 90,
nays 87. This was the test question, in deciding which,
N I N E T E E N northern men bartered their own characters,
the rights of the North, and the liberty of unborn thou­sands
for an understanding that no new slave
state should afterwards be admitted, extending north of
the south line of Missouri. Any two in the House might
have turned the scale. Those marked thus, (JJ\) have
been since re-elected, (the figures show how many times)
their constituents thus assuming their G U I L T A ND
SHAME.
MAINE—8.
* 4, tfi, 1. 6, } 5, § 5, || 4,
Hugh J. Anderson,||!
Thomas Davce,!
George Evans,
John Fairfield;ti.f|M
Joseph C. Noyes,
F. O. J. Smith,*t+§
Virgil D. Parris,
Edward Robinson.
Leonard Jarvis,*tJ§
Jonathan Cilley,||
Timothy J. Cartcr.||
Rufus Mclntire,*
Gorham Parks,*tr.t§
Joseph Hall,*t+t§
Moses Mason,t^t§
N'iw HAMPSHIRE—5.
* 1, t 5> + 4, t 5, §5, || 5, ! 4
C. G. Athcrton,||!
Samuel Cushman,t4.t§||!
.lames Farrington.||!
Joseph Weeks,tt§||
Jared W . Williams,!!!
Franklin Pierce.*i±t§
Benning M . Bean.t4.t5
Robert Bums.t4.t5
V E R M O N T — 5.
Heman Allen,
Horace Everett,
Isaac Fletcher,
Hiland Hall,
William Slade.
MASSACIIU SETTS—12.
*2.
John Q. Adams,
Nathaniel B. Borden,
George N. Briggs,
William B Calhoun,
Caled Cushing,
Richard Fletcher,
George Grennell,
William S. Hastings,
Levi Lincoln,
W m . Parmenter.
Stephen C. Phillips,
John Reed.
Benjamin Gorham,*
John Davis,*
R H O D E ISLAND—2.
Robert B. Cranston,
Joseph L. Tillinghast.
CONNECTICUT—6.
t 5, 4. 3, t 5, § 2, || 3, ! 5.
Elisha Haley,tt!
Orrin Holt,||
Samuel Ingham,t^t!
Launcelot Phelps,t4t||!
Isaac Toucey.t4.t51-
T. T. Whittlesey,§||!
W m . Mason.T4t§
John McK.e0n.t4t
Charles McVean,*
Rutger B. Miller,5
Henry Mitchell,*
Sherman Page,t4.t§
Job Pierson,*
Joseph Reynolds,*t|.t§
W m . Seymour,t4.t§
Nicholas Sickles,t^t^
Joel Turrill,*t4.t§
Aaron Vanderpoel,*t4t§
J. B. Van Houten,*
Aaron Ward,±t5
Daniel Wardwell,.|.t§
NEW-JERSEY—6.
* 1, t 3, 4. 1, 5 2, ! 5.
John B. Aycrigg,!
Win. Halstead,
J. P. B. Maxwell,!
James F. Randolph,!
Charles G. Stratton,!
T. Jones Yorke,!
MAIKE.
1841 John Rugg'es.t
1843 Reuel Williams,t§||T
N E W HAMPSHIRE.
1841 Henry Hubbard,tt5p!
1843 STY. Pierce.f§||1i!
VERMONT,
1839 Benjamin Swift,*
1843 Samuel Prentiss,*
MASSACHUSETTS.
1839 Daniel Webster,
1841 John Davis,*
R H O D E ISLAND.
1839 Asher Robbins*
1841 Neh. R. Knight,*
CONNECTICUT.
1845 Dennis Kimberly,
1839 0 = J. M Nilestt§||tf
1843 Perry Smith,t§p!
1837 Gideon Tomlmson,*
N E W YORK.
1839 N. P. Tallmadge.H
1843 Silas Wright,t§||^
NEW-JERSEY.
1839 S. L. Southard,*!
1841 Garrett D. Wall.
PENNSYLVANIA.
1839 Samuel McKe
1841 James Buchanan,+t§||^'
OHIO.
1839 Thomas Morris,
1843 W m . Allen,!
1837 Thomas Ewing,* 1
INDIANA.
1839 John Tipton,||
1843 Oliver II. Smith,
1837 W m . Hendricks, |
ILLINOIS.
1841 J. M. Robinson.i
1843 R. M. Youi.g4t§i|ir!
MICHIGAN.
'39 Lucius Lyon,4t§l|1f
'41 trJ. NorvelUt^i!"
Philemon Dickers6h,*ti
Ferdinand S. Schenck,t§
W m . N. Shinn,t§
PENNSYLVANIA—28.
*l,tl5,4.9, til, 510, ||14, :
William Beatty,||!
Richard Biddle,
Andrew Buchanan,t§||!
Edward Darlington,
Edward Davies,
Jacob Fry, Jr.,t+t§||!
Robert H. Hammond,||
[Thomas Henry,
Edward B. Hubley,t+t||§
George M . Keim,!
John Klingensmith,t4t||§!
Henry Logan,t}||§!
Charles McClure,||
T. M. T. McKennon,
Matthias Morris,
Samuel W . Morris,||!
Charles Naylor,
Charles Ogle,
Lemuel Painter,||!
David Petriken,||!
Arnold Plummer,!
W m . W . Potter,!
David Potts,
Luther Reily,||!
John Sergeant,
Dan Sheffer,
George W.Toland,
David D. Wagener,t4.t§il
13.
NORTHERN REPRESENTATIVES.
David A. Ogden, *tfH§
James Porter,^
CTH. R. Storrs,*tH+tir§XI]4
N. J.
IE7Jos. Bloomfield, *t||4.}1i§
U"Charles Kinsey, *4.t"1F§
Cj^Bernard Smith,
John Linn.t
PA.
CJ*-Henry Baldwin,*§
ICF1 David Fullerton.
OHIO.
Philemon Beecher,t||4.t1T§cca3
John W . Campbell,tir§-Q;2
W H. HAKRiRON,*t||4tir§XD
III.
JohnM'Lean. *||j.tV§(a£a!2
Me. (then a District.)
ITT Mark L. Hill,
O 3 John Holmes.*t||4.tir§,ca
N. H.
JohnF. Parrot.*t|L|.tir§
MASS.
ID= Jonathan Mason, *t||+t*§
[LFHenry Shaw *t||+tT§
Ezekiel Whitman.
R. I.
James B. Mason, i
0*Samuel Eddv.cl£nS
CT.
O-Samuel A. Foot,.^Q.2
ICJ^James Stevens.
N. Y.
Daniel Cruger, * m §
IQ-1- Henry Meigs,
NORTHERN SENATORS.
Those with this mark, (. C ^ ) voted, March 2, 1820, for
striking out the clause prohibiting the extension of slavery in
Missouri. Carried, yeas 27, nays 15.
Those with this mark, (*) voted against a clause for re­stricting
slavery to the east side of the 17th or 94th degree
of W . longitude. If that resolution had passed, slavery
would still have had full sweep through nearly the whole of
the present state of Arkansas. By rejecting it, Congress
deliberately threw open to the monster the immense unin­habited
territory from the Mississippi to Mexico.
The whole Illinois delegation voted for slavery on their
own borders. Mobs killing free citizens and destroying free
presses have been their fit reward. James Noble has been
Governor of Indiana.
N. H.
O"John F. Parrot.*
11. I.
^^Win. Hunter.
at this CT.
ID'Ninian Edwards,*
JT7Jesse B. Thomas.*J^J.
channels of Trade, and direct them into n e w ones/ " A m e
rican Houses" must be built up in England, whose feelings
and interests are identified with the South But after all,
unless the Banks come to the aid of individual enterprise,
nothina can-nothing will be gained by our effoits at eman­cipation.
W e shall continue bound, hand and foot, to the
North, as heretofore."
Truly, w e hope our brethren of the South will be " eman­cipated"
somehow or other. W e are the advocates of uni­versal
emancipation. W e even go for S E L F - E M A N ­C
I P A T I O N , in all case* where it can be done peacefully
tions of State Legislatures, concerning the annexation
Texas to the United States, were ic-fcuod to tw<, C ^ ™ '"' (nncs L a nman.
of Foreign Affairs ; a Committee, with the exception ol iVi
members0 out of nine, which could not have been better
suited for Texian purposes, if in their appointment the
Tennessee Speaker had taken the nomination of them from
the Tennessee President of Texas.
At the heel of the Session this Committee, without ever
looking into one of the Resolutions, Petitions, Memorials
and Remonstrances referred to them on this transcendently
important subject, turned them back upon the House, to lay
them all again upon the tabje.
This purpose was however disappointed. 1 he slaveholders
of South Carolina, Tennessee and Alabama deserted the
standard of the gag—the majority of the House refused to
take the Previous Question—refused to lay the whole sub­ject
on the table—and when the Session closed, the Chair­man
and the slaveholding portion of the Committee, were
as tenacious of the freedom of debate, and as anxious for
their right of reply as the truest believer in the self-evident
truths of the Declaration of Independence.
T E X \ S will therefore again be the order of the day at the
ensuincr Session of Congress-arid it is important that the
Petitioners against the annexation of that Republic to this
Union, who have honored m e with the charge of their Peti­tions,
should be informed whether they were received and
presented, and what is their present condition
I purpose then, to send you for publication in your next
paper a list of all the Petitions, Memorials and Remonstran­ces
against the annexation of Texas presented by m e , at
the'first Session of the present Congress, with the names of
the first aicrner, and the number of the signers of each Peti­tion
and of the State from which they respectively c a m e —
to b'e followed by a similar list of the Petitions to the same
effect presented by m e at the winter Session.
These petitions, etc., form but a small portion of those
which I have at the same time presented, touching the aboli­tion
of slavery and the prohibition of the traffic in slaves.
The utter impossibility of answering all or even a hrge por- 1
tion of the letters which I have received with these Petitions, »
PA.
Walter Lowrie,*
Jonathan Roberts.*
IND.
James Noble,* JTJ\
Wall.,. T„j,Inr *
VT.
Wm. A Palmer.*
Andrew Judson,tt
ITLW .YDK it— 10
*16, t28,4.27, t27§28, ||21, !22
John T. Andrews,||!
Bennet BickriellJ
Samuel Birdsall,||!
John C. Broadhcad.il!
Isaac II. Bronson!
A. D. W . Bruyn||
C. C. Cambreleng,,t4.t§!|!
Timothy Childs,
John C. Clark,
Edward Curtis,
John I. D e Graff,||!
John Edwards||!
Millard Filsmore,
Henry A. Foster,
Albert Gallup,
Abraham P. Grant,!
Hiram Gray,!
Ogden Hoffman,
T. B. Jackson,!
Nathaniel Jones,!
Gouverneur Kemblc,||
Arphaxed Loomis,||!
Richard P. Marvin,
Robert McClellan,||!
Charles F. Mitchell,
Ely Moore,t§||!
Win. H. Noble,||!
John Palmer,||
Amasa J. Parker,||!
Win. Patterson,
Luther C. Peck,
Zadoc Pratt,||!
John H. Prentiss,||!
David Rnssel,
Mark H. Sibley,
James B. Spencer,||
W m . Taylor,t+t$||!
Obadiah Titus,||!
Henry Vail,||!
Abraham Vanderveer,!
Samuel Barton,t|t§
Abraham Bockee,t4j.§
MathiasJ. Bovee,T4.§
John W . Brown,t.|.t§
G. H. Chapin,t.|.t§
John Cramer,*t4t§
Ulysses F. Doubleday,tit§
Valentine Effner,t§
Dudley Farlin,t4.t§
Win. "K. Fuller,*t+t§
R. H. Gillet,*t+t
Nicoll Halsey,*
S. G. Hathaway,*
Abel Huntington*t4t§
Gerrit Y. Lansing,*t4_t§
Gideon Lee.t4.t5
Joshua Lee,4t5
Sywhen B. Leonard,tit5
Abijah Mann, Jr./- 14.+S
Joseph B. Anthony ,t5
Michael W Ash.t4.t5
Andrew Beamont,t5
George Chambers,t
John Galbraith,t4.t5
Joseph Henderson,t
John Laporte.t
Jesse Miiler.fjt
H. A. Muhlenburg,t+t||
Joel B. Sutherland,t|
J. G. Watmough,*
OHIO—19.
*7, til, |7, t6, 510, ||1,
J. Alexander, Jr.,
JohnW. Allen,!
W m . K. Bond.t
John Chancy,*t|t5
Thomas Corwin,
Alexander Duncan,
Patrick G. Goode,
T. L. Hamer,*t+t5!
Alexander Harper,
W m . H. Hunter,||!
Daniel Kilgore,t4-t5
D. P. Leadbetter,!
A. W . Loomis,!
Samson Mason,5
< 'alvary Morris,
Ridge way,
Matthias Shepler,!
Taylor Webster,§
Elisha Whittlesey,
William Allen,*
Elias Howell,*tt
Robert Mitchell,*
W m Patterson,*t45
David Spangler,*t45
Benjamin Jones,t
Win. Kennon,t|5
Jeremiah McLene,t4t5
Bellamy Storer,t
John Thompson,+5
INDIANA—7.
*4, t6, 42, t2, 55, ||1,
Rat liff Boon, t+t§||!
George H. Dunn,
John Ewing,
William Graham,
William Herod,
James Rariden,
Albert S. White,
John Carr,*t5
E. A. Hannegan,*t5
George L. Kinnard,*t|
Amos Lane,*tt5
JohnW. Davis,t§
ILLINOIS—3.
*1, t3, +3,t2, 53, ||3, !2.
Zadoc Casey,t4t5l|!
W m . L. May,*t+§ll
A. W . Snyder,||!
III.
On the 6th of January, 1829, Charles Miner, of Pa., sub­mitted
the following resolution to the H. R., accompanied
with a preamble, describing " enormities startling enough to
wake the dead." «*«; r .u
Resolved, " That the Committee [on D. C ] be further
instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law
for the gradual abolition of slavery within the District, in
such manner that the interest of no individual shall be in­jured
thereby:" . . ., .
The following northern men voted against considering this
resolution. Maine, James W . Ripley, N. H , Jonathan Har­vey,
N. Y., Samuel Chase, Pa. George Kremer, Daniel H.
Miller, and John Mitchell, Ohio, William Stanberry t Rolm
C. Mallory of Vt., voted against the adoption of the resolu­tion.
POLITICAL REGISTER-TWENTY-FIFTH CON­GRESS,
&c
" B y their fruits ye shall k n o w them."
In giving a catalogue of the northern members of the 25th
Congress, w e have carefully marked those, who by their
votes have linked the gathering infamy of slavery to their
own names. Freemen of the North, will you make their
guilt and infamy your o w n by re-electing them 1
Total, * 37, t 82, + 61, t 63, §70, II 52, !
John Reynolds,tl-t5
MICHIGAN—1.
Isaac E. Crary,!
62.
* While he professes to believe that slavery is " a curse to the
master, and a grievous wrong to the slaves-See Colonization
Speech made in Kentucky, in 1836.
t T w o from Maryland and one each from Del., Va. and N. C ,
voted for considering.
NORTHERN SENATORS.
Their term of office, (which continue six years,) expire
March 3, in the years opposite their names. The marks
signify as follows :
* Mar. 10, 1836. Voted to lay Anti-Slavery petitions on
the table. Carried, 24 to 20.
t M a r 1 1837 Voted in favor of recognizing the independ­ence
of Texas. Carried, 23 to 19. March 2 Mr. Rug-gles,
of Maine, moved to reconsider. Lost, 2 4 to 24.
4 Dec. 18, 1837. Voted to lay on the table the question of
receiving Anti-Slavery petitions. Carried, 25 to 20.
t Jan 6, 1838. Voted for Calhoun's third resolution, that
the general government is bound " to give increased sta­bility
and security to the domestic institutions of the
states." Carried, 31 to 11.
Jan 9 1838. Voted for Calhoun's fourth resolution, that
systematic attacks on slavery are " a violation of solemn
obligations, moral and religious." Carried, 34 to 5.
"lO, 1838. Voted for Clay's resolution against the
Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Carried,
36 to 9. ,' L . ...
IT Jan 10 1838. For Clay's resolution against abolition
"in'any territory of the U.S." Carried, 33 to 9.
O " Jan 10 1838. Voted to lay on the table a resolution
fnroposod' by Mr. Smith, of Indiana,) in favor of F R E E ­D
O M O F S P E E C H , and of T H E PRESS, and the
R I G H T O F PETITION. Carried, 23 to 21.
/-TI j a n . 16, 1838. Voted to lay on the table the Vermont
resolutions. Lost, 12 to 26.
' March 21, 1838. Voted against considering Morris s re­solutions
proposing an inquiry in reference to the slave
trade with Texas. Lost, 31 to 8.
|! Jan.
Political Action against Slavery.
NO. VI.
Perhaps there is no intelligent abolitionist who has j
the subject of political action an hour's serious attention, who
does not see the impropriety and inconsistency of his giving
his vote, under any possible circumstances, in favor of any
candidate for Congress, or the State Legislature, who will
not act or vote in favor of a present emancipation.
But there are many good abolitionists who hesitate when
you ask them to go one step further, and act upon the prin­ciples
of voting for advocates of emancipation "irrespective
of parties;1—that is, that in case the political party to which
they may happen to belong, will not nominate candidates in
favor of emancipation while the opposite party nominates
suitable and good men, w h o will go for emancipation, then,
in this case, that they shall not only withhold their votes from
the pro-slavery candidates of their own party, but that they
shall actu.ally'gwe thern to the good m e n of the other party
who will support emancipation.
The doing of this, does not imply that they must leave
their o w n political party entirely. Much less does it require
that they shall go over to the opposite party. N o . They may
remain in their o w n party, and persuade them by their argu­ments
and consistent conduct to nominate better eandidates
in future.
Neither does voting for such candidates nominated by
other parties, "irrespective of parties," bear the remotest
resemblance to the setting up of a separate political anti-slavery
party.
With this explanation, let us look carefully into the sub­ject.
It is a question which every abolitionist, must, of
course, settle for himself; but it is of infinite importance that
he should so settle it, that his decision and consequent action
shall be such as to satisfy the demands of the responsibilities
he n o w sustains, and which will press with their full weight
upon him, a thousand centuries hence.
The question of present emancipation, or continued slave­ry,
is confessedly a great moral question.
' It is a question that admits of no neutrals. H e that de­clines
present action, in his power lawfully to put forth, in
favor of emancipation, in reality acts against emancipation.
It is a question which admits of no innocent compromise.
There is no price nor advantage for the securing of which
the enslaver may continue to enslave—nor for which the
National or State Legislature may defer constitutional action
in favor of emancipation—nor for which any one of the sov­ereign
people, (whose representatives and servants the rep­resentatives
of the state and nation denominate themselves)
may defer constitutional action in favor of emancipation.
Look back, now, and read over these propositions again.
Understand what they mean ; ponder their full bearing", and
see, and decide whether they are not correct.
If you find them correct, carry them out into detail, and
apply them to the case n o w in hand.
Y o u say there are no circumstances nor advantages which
should tempt the slaveholder to remain a slaveholder one m o ­ment
longer. H e tells you the tax of emancipation would
be greater than he can afford. H e tells you it would be giv­ing
up all his property ; and in the 'case of some slavehold­ers
w h o o w n slaves but do not o w n land to employ them on,
as free laborers, if emancipated, the story would be very
nearly, if not quite, true. But no matter. \ ou tell him,
(and you tell him truly) it is his duty to give his slaves their
liberty now, and run the risk of starvntion.—He pleads that
his emancipating them would subject him to the exactions
and the penalties of the laws—that it would brand him a
fanatic and subject him to Lynching and murder. Yet still
you ur<ro upon him (as you ought) the duty of unconditional
emancipation to his slaves ! For w h y 1 Because no advan­tages
he can secure by deferring their emancipation can
possibly justify his neglect of it. Because, also, it is his
business to perform a known duty, and leave the consequen­ces
with God. , . .
"Von say there arc no circumstances nor mvantages which
should bribe the Nation*] or State legislature to deter, or
one moment, the exercise of their constitutional power in
favor of a present emancipation.
The national Congress declines action in favor of eman­cipation
in the District of Columbia and territories, and forv
the abolition of the internal slave-trade, for fear its action
should disturb the public tranquillity, dissolve the Union, and
plunge the country into civil war. Do you accept thi| apol­ogy,
and leave off sending up your petitions'! No. W h yl
Because you maintain (and maintain correctly) that no na­tional
dangers nor advantages should tempt Congress to
neglect, for one moment, the performance of a high moral duty,
imposed upon them by the Great Ruler of the nations. Y o u
bid them implicity (as \ou bid the slaveholder) to obey God,
and trust His promise that the result shall be satisfactory.
The Legislature of your own State declines to put forth
its appropriate and constitutional action in favor of emanci­pation,
and for the complete removal of slavery from our o wn
state. And this dereliction of duty is defended, in like man­ner,
by an array of the costs and disadvantages and losses
connected with doing right. The interests of the State are
thought to require the establishment of a National Bank, or
the prevention of its establishment—the institution of Sub-
Treasury, or the prevention of such an institution—the re­peal
of the Tariff, or the prevention of its repeal. On the
decision of these seemingly important questions, millions
and millions of dollars are supposed to depend. Public
prosperity is expected to result from the adoption of the one,
or public ruin to follow in the train of the other. And th
State Legislature think they have good reason to apprehend
that if they should act in favor of emancipation, these pr,
interests would be sacrificed. But will y o u — w h o are an
abolitionist, be satisfied with such excuses ? By no means '.
But why not ? That is the question. It is because yon
held it a first principle that no considerations of advantage
or of disadvantage, of profit or loss, of expediency on-of inex­pediency,
should deter any moral agent, a single moment,
from D O I N G R I G H T . Hence it is that you abhor the
truckling temper, the time-serving policy, and the craven spirit
of your State Legislators ! You are astonished that they do
not understand that considerations of advantage or disadvan­tage,
in some form, constitute the very essence of all the
temptations, by means of which Satan entices many human
beings from the path of plain duty.
C o m e then ! " Thou that sayest a m a n should not steal,
dost thou steal 1 Thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou com­mit
sacriliegel" Thou that sayest a m a n should not bow
down to expediency, dost thou worship at the shrine of expe­diency
? r J- • *•
Y o u have an opportunity to vote in favor of emancipation,
by voting for a legislator, w h o you know will vote in favor of
immediate emancipation. The opportunity is as real a one
as though you held a seat yourself, in the national or state
councils. You are, in fact, the legislator yourself. Your
representative is only vour agent, your servant, your decree
carrier. Will you not vctefor emancipation while the oppor­tunity
presents 1 Will you do it I N O W 1 '' .
« W h y — a s to that you have always been a good friend
of the slave. At any rate you have determined not to vote
against Mm." , , .
That is not ' V *an. I daLnot ask you whether you
werenl'ucJuB% TreasurW^a^^'^ft^ Vyl/m-ShivwniiM
not help relieve hfttT. TVill you vote for nflK—rffrTCTTo will
vote for his emancipation 1* _
Y o u scruple ! You hesitate ! What is the matter T
WThy, he does not belong to yoir political party !
And what if he does not ? Y o 1 admit he is a good man, and
would vote for emancipation ; and your party have not nomi­nated
such a man. Y o u say, yourself, that you cannot con­scientiously
vote for the candidate of your o w n party because
he is a pro-slavery man. H o w can you conscientiously with­hold
vour rote for this candidate, w h o is the only friend of
emancipation nominated, that is, the only one in a situation
to do the slave any good? You say he is not of your politi­cal
party. What does that mean ? Does it mean that the
points on which you differ are great moral subjects, like that
of slavery and emancipation ?
Oh no That is not pretended. You o w n him, perhaps,
as a Christian brother, and are willing to sit down to the same
communion table with him. You never thought of impeach­ing
his moral or christian character, on account of his views
of political economy, though you could not hold fellowship
with a defender of slavery. You meet him at the monthly
concert, and vou mingle your prayers together with his, for
the emancipation of the enslaved. Your vote for him would
be a vote for emancipation. Why will you not give it 7
" W h y , he don't belong to our political party .
Well Wherein do your parties differ 1 .
" W h y one is in favor of a National Bank, and the other is
against it. One is in favor of the Sub-Treasury, and the
other is against it. One is in favor of the Tariff, and the
other is against it." . T
And this then, is the whole difficulty in the case ! It
seems you canH vote for emancipation, for fear it would en-
*The supposition is, of course, that the candidate is of good moral
character Yor no freeman should vote for any other,